Talking Indonesia

Indonesia has expressed persistent reservations about AUKUS, the security pact reached in secret between Australia, the US and the UK and announced in September 2021. Under the pact, the three allies will share defence capabilities, with the initial headline item being Australia’s acquisition of a fleet of nuclear-powered but conventionally-armed submarines. When AUKUS was announced, Indonesia's Foreign Ministry issued a statement expressing caution. In 2022, Indonesia also submitted a working paper to a UN review of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty critical of the transfer of submarine nuclear propulsion to non-nuclear weapons states. What underpins Indonesia’s negative response to AUKUS, and how widely are Indonesia’s views shared in Southeast Asia? What can Indonesia’s response to AUKUS tell us about how Indonesia will seek to manage great power competition between the US and China? Might AUKUS spur Indonesia to alter its own defence acquisition plans? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Da

On 6 December, Indonesia’s House of Representatives (DPR) passed a long-awaited new Criminal Code (KUHP), in an act the government described as one of decolonisation and modernisation of the Indonesian nation-state. Revised and re-drafted over several years, the new code replaces the 1918 version inherited from the Dutch and incorporated into the law of a newly independent Indonesia in 1946. Civil society organisations, journalists and human rights activists immediately condemned many of the articles in the new code, particularly those that restrict freedom of speech, the right to protest and express views deemed counter to the national ideology, Pancasila. Women and other minorities are seen to be particularly vulnerable, with new laws criminalising access to abortion, sexual relations and cohabitation outside marriage. Senior researcher at Human Rights Watch Andreas Harsono expressed the disappointment and concern of many Indonesians when he said: “In one fell swoop, Indonesia’s human rights situation has

This year, the Indonesian government has replaced more than 110 local elected leaders for appointed caretaker leaders. By 2024, almost all district and provincial leaders will be appointments from Jakarta. The government says that this is a technocratic fix. The plan is to hold all district, provincial and national elections on the same day, and to fill the gap between the electoral terms of these local leaders running out and the elections planned for 2024, the government has decided to appoint caretaker administrations. These appointments occupy a strange political space. Most Indonesians don’t know anything about them. And that’s because on one side, they seem highly technocratic. But as these appointments have been made, questions are being asked. Who are these interim regional leaders? Who decided on their rule? How will they rule? If the caretaker administrations are just a technocratic stop gap why do they feel like Jakarta overreach? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Jacqui Baker explores

There are many Indonesian researchers conducting important and path-breaking research, both within Indonesia and around the world. But many of these Indonesian scholars often find it difficult to distribute and share the results of their research projects with the global public.  The reasons for Indonesian researchers' underrepresentation on the global stage are varied, and include lack of access to global media organisations, language barriers, and limited infrastructure and support. One platform that has helped Indonesian researchers to share their knowledge and expertise with the world is The Conversation Indonesia, which launched in 2017.   In the latest episode of Talking Indonesia, Tito Ambyo speaks to CEO and Publisher of The Conversation Indonesia Prodita Kusuma Sabarini about the challenges Indonesian researchers face in distributing their research, and what Indonesian academics need to do to communicate more widely with the world. Prodita is also one of the founders of "Ingat 65" ("Remember '65"),

Preliminary investigations into the events at Kanjuruhan Stadium on 1 October, which claimed the lives of 135 people, have found that the use of tear gas by police was the primary cause of the tragedy. This and other recent high-profile scandals involving the Indonesian National Police (Polri) have led to a renewed focus on the failures of police reform.  It is two decades since the police separated from the Indonesian armed forces, following the fall of the New Order. How have the Indonesian police now become synonymous with scandal, violence and corruption? How have police responded to the Kanjuruhan tragedy and could this present a tipping point for lasting structural change? Or is it too late and instead the answer lies in more radical reform of the criminal justice system as a whole? What does a failing police force mean for democratic process and political competition as Indonesia heads towards national legislative and presidential elections in 2024? In the latest episode of Talking Indonesia, Dr Jemm

It is often said that it is easy to start a podcast. But not many make it to 200 episodes. Many factors have played a part in making Talking Indonesia special and helping us reach this important milestone, from the podcast's various co-hosts, its listeners (thank you!), its many supporters, and, most of all, its amazing guests, who have shared their fascinating insights into the latest research and happenings in Indonesia. To celebrate Talking Indonesia's 200th episode, we are doing something a bit different. Three of the co-hosts will share some of their favourite grabs from past interviews. It wasn’t easy to choose, but we thought this would be a great opportunity for new and old listeners to discover, or re-discover, the depth of Talking Indonesia's archive.  We have selected four grabs from these interviews that we thought could provide interesting insights into the challenges that Indonesia faces today and discuss these grabs. Of course, you can get the fuller picture by listening to the episodes - lin

Indonesian football experienced its darkest day on 1 October, when more than 130 spectators were killed – including 35 children – after police fired tear gas into the crowd at the conclusion of a match between local rivals Arema Malang and Persebaya Surabaya at Kanjuruhan Stadium in Malang. Fans fleeing the tear gas, which police fired after some fans entered the playing field, were killed in the crush in stairwells and at exits that in some cases were locked or partially closed. Other football leagues around the world held a moment’s silence in the wake of the tragedy as a mark of respect to the victims, in what was one of the worst football disasters globally in the history of the game. Within Indonesia, vigils have been held around the country for the fans who died at Kanjuruhan. President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has asked a fact-finding team to deliver a report into the disaster within a month, and the country’s professional leagues have been suspended. The police’s decision to use tear gas has been almost

In April 2017, Indonesian Muslim women did something quite revolutionary: they successfully held the first Congress of Indonesian Women Muslim Scholars (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, KUPI). The inaugural congress of Muslim women scholars (or ulama), held in Cirebon, West Java, resulted in three fatwas on what attendees considered the biggest challenges faced by Muslim women: sexual violence, underage marriage and environmental destruction.  The congress was the result of collaboration among various women-led progressive Islamic organisations in Indonesia. They were united by the common goal of strengthening agency and taking charge over challenges faced by women at a time of cultural and political fragmentation in the country. Five years later, the second congress will take place in November, in Semarang and Jepara, Central Java, with the theme of “Affirming the Roles of Women Ulama in Creating a Just Islamic Civilisation”. One of the organisations involved is the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN) Indo

The #MeToo movement has led to a global reckoning on sexual violence, including in Indonesia. After a series of high profile sexual assault scandals, activists won a landmark legal battle against sexual violence earlier this year, with the passage of Law No. 12 of 2022 on the Crime of Sexual Violence, or UU TPKS. But milestones aren’t achieved overnight. In this episode of Talking Indonesia, Dr Jacqui Baker talks to Andy Yentriyani, the head of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), who takes us behind the scenes of the 12-year battle to get the law passed. What does this law achieve for victims of sexual violence? How does an independent state organisation like Komnas Perempuan build alliances for change? How does it wrestle with the perennial problem of law enforcement? This week's podcast is a collaboration with the Indonesia Update, hosted by the Indonesia Project at the Australian National University, where Andy spoke last week. In 2022, the Talking Indonesia podcast is

Environment and climate ministers from G20 nations gathered in Bali last week. Indonesian Minister for Forestry and the Environment Siti Nurbaya Bakar told the gathering the world was already in the midst of a climate crisis and called on G20 members to work together to bring down global temperatures. Despite these strong statements, Indonesian environmental groups have been highly critical of the government's ongoing support for fossil fuel extraction and high rates of deforestation. Beyond these high-level meetings, what is happening at the grassroots in Indonesia in response to the climate crisis and the environmental emergencies that communities face every day? Will "green" issues feature in the 2024 elections? What, or who, has the power to drive real change on the environment in Indonesia? In the latest episode of Talking Indonesia, Dr Jemma Purdey chats to Ewa Wojkowska, co-founder and chief operating officer of Bali-based NGO Kopernik, and Gede Robi, social activist, research consultant and member o

US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan in early August inflamed tensions with China and put Taiwan, and its implications for regional stability, in the spotlight. In response to Pelosi's visit, China conducted extensive military drills around Taiwan, which included firing ballistic missiles over the country. A potential invasion of Taiwan by China would have broad international security ramifications, as the United States and its allies could be drawn into conflict. Any conflict would also cause major disruptions to trade and transportation throughout the region. On the day of Pelosi's meeting with Taiwan president Tsai Ing-wen, Indonesia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a statement expressing concern at increasing great power rivalry, calling for the maintenance of peace and stability. The statement also noted Indonesia's continuing respect of the "One China Policy", whereby foreign countries acknowledge but do not recognise that China considers Taiwan to be a part of China

Dr Wulan Dirgantoro and Dr Elly Kent - art and offence Indonesian art collective Taring Padi made headlines around the world last month. The collective's 8x10 metre banner, "People's Justice" (2002), on display as part of the prestigious art exhibition documenta 15 in Kassel, Germany, was dramatically covered and subsequently taken down. The decision to remove the banner from its prominent position in the city's town square came after German and Israeli commentators labelled it antisemitic. How did this work come to be on such prominent display? Who were the curators of documenta 15 and what part did they play in the decision to display this and other similarly controversial artworks in the three-month long exhibition? What has been the fallout for the Indonesian artists, and for the international art community at large? In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Jemma Purdey explores these questions and more with Dr Wulan Dirgantoro, lecturer in Art History and Curatorship in the School of Culture and Communicati

Indonesia's longest-standing and most prominent "cause lawyering" organisation, the Legal Aid Institute or LBH, was founded in the early days of Soeharto's authoritarian regime in 1970. Cause lawyering broadly refers to using the law to achieve social change. Throughout much of its history, LBH has faced the challenge of pursuing this mission in a context in which victory in the courtroom has been highly unlikely. How have LBH's lawyers pursued social change in circumstances where victory in the courtroom has often been highly unlikely? Did democratisation open new opportunities for cause lawyering? How has LBH responded as the quality of democracy has declined? What does the future hold for LBH and cause lawyering in Indonesia? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dave McRae chats with Dr Tim Mann, editor of the Indonesia at Melbourne blog and associate director of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society (CILIS). Dr Mann wrote his PhD thesis on LBH and cause lawyering in a fragile democra

Rapid growth in internet penetration in Indonesia over the past decade has altered the local media landscape and the ways in which news is produced and consumed. Over the past few years, several new broadcasting and digital media outlets have emerged, such as Tirto.id, Asumsi, Narasi TV, and Kumparan. One of these new digital players is the American-Canadian company VICE, which opened a Jakarta bureau in 2016. Instead of “importing” the VICE brand to Indonesia, the Jakarta-based team was given free editorial rein. As a result, it has created its own style of journalism that mixes “serious” journalism with popular culture reporting on memes or investigations into supernatural stories. This approach has garnered national and international awards as well as public attention. For example, VICE Indonesia’s collaboration with Tirto.Id and the Jakarta Post to investigate cases of allegations of sexual abuse in Indonesian universities, won the 2020 Public Service Journalism Award from the Society of Publishers i

Indonesian Islam has long been lauded as tolerant and "moderate". It is this moderate character that has enabled Indonesia – the world's largest Muslim-majority country – to become a flourishing democracy, unlike many Muslim-majority countries in the Persian Gulf region. But recent years have seen rising Islamic conservatism in Indonesia, a trend that some scholars have called the "Arabisation" of Indonesian Islam. Conservative Islamic social movements have long had a foothold in Indonesia, but they have surged in the more open political environment of the post-authoritarian era. Salafism is one such movement, a puritanical school of Islamic thought connected to Saudi Arabia. Why has Salafism grown in popularity, especially among young Indonesians? How have Salafis promoted their teachings? What do they want, politically and economically? How is Salafism changing the face of Islam in Indonesia and, potentially, being changed in turn? In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Jacqui Baker explores these questions

Dr Elisabeth Kramer - Political candidates and anti-corruptionism Indonesia has announced it will conduct its next general elections on 14 February 2024, to select a new president and vice president, and members of the national, provincial and district legislatures. This will be the largest electoral event in Indonesia’s history, with more candidates campaigning at the same time than ever before. In past elections, fierce electoral competition has seen many candidates resort to vote buying (or "money-politics") to give them an edge in their campaigns. But a small number of candidates make the choice to take a risk and run against the status quo on a platform of "anticorruptionism". Why is money politics so prevalent in Indonesian election campaigns? Why would a candidate choose to run on an anti-corruption platform, and do they have a chance of winning if they do? What does it all mean for the future of Indonesia’s democracy? In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Jemma Purdey explores these questions and mor

Taking care of the environment in Indonesia, which has one of the highest levels of biodiversity in the world, is a massive challenge. Covid-19 has intensified this challenge, presenting new threats and accentuating old ones. The democratic regression and post-truth politics that have become a feature of Indonesia over recent years are also directly and indirectly resulting in more damage to the environment. How, exactly, are post-truth politics and democratic regression affecting environmental protection in Indonesia? How has the Indonesian government acted to address environmental problems, and has its efforts been successful? Is democracy the best political system for the environment? In Talking Indonesia this week, Tito Ambyo talks with Dr Dirk Tomsa, former Talking Indonesia host and Associate Professor of Politics at La Trobe University. Dr Tomsa has recently commissioned a survey on Indonesians’ attitudes on the environment and has found some surprising results.

In 2022, Indonesia holds the rotating presidency of the Group of 20 (G20) a forum of 19 of the world’s major economies along with the EU. Indonesia has assumed the presidency at a time when the forum is bitterly divided over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine – in April, western finance officials walked out of a G20 meeting when Russian delegates were speaking. Facing calls to exclude Russia from the G20 leaders’ summit in Bali in November, Indonesia instead opted to extend an invitation to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, despite Ukraine not being a member of the group. Indonesia's priority issues for its G20 presidency are global health architecture, sustainable energy transition, and digital transformation, under the overall rubric of “Recover Together, Recover Stronger”. But what effect will the war in Ukraine have on Indonesia's ability to pursue this agenda? How might the presence in Bali of Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukraine President Zelensky – if both men attend – shape the leaders’ summi

Indonesia’s largest Muslim organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), claims membership of 40 to 45 million people, and has long occupied a highly significant position in Indonesian society and politics. One of its most high-profile leaders (and Indonesia’s fourth president), Abdurrahman Wahid, remains a symbol for pluralism, remembered for his role in the struggle for democratic reform under the New Order. Today, NU members hold key ministerial and administrative positions in the government of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.   As Indonesian democracy shows signs of decline, what is NU’s role? How does it continue to defend its position as a ‘moderate’ Muslim organisation and advocate for pluralism? How will its new leader, Yahya Cholil Staquf, direct the organisation’s focus ahead of the 2024 elections?  In Talking Indonesia this week Dr Jemma Purdey discusses these questions and more with Dr Alexander R. Arifianto, a Research Fellow with the Indonesia Program at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies

In 2005, in the wake of Aceh’s devastating tsunami, the Indonesian government signed the Helsinki Peace Agreement, drawing to a close a thirty-year conflict with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which sought independence for the province. That agreement committed the parties to establishing a truth and reconciliation commission, designed to examine the abuses that occurred during the conflict and offer restitution to its victims. But it was not until 2016 that the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR) was finally established, and this only occurred after constant agitation by activists and victims. Over the past five years, the commission has travelled the province, taking testimonies from some 5,000 victims of human rights abuses, leading toward a final report that is set to be released this year. What will the report reveal about the patterns and experiences of violence during the conflict? Who perpetrated the violence and who were the main victims? How will the report affect Acehnese politics and