Talking Indonesia

Religious intolerance is on the rise in Indonesia, and the state has reacted strongly from a security point of view, with initiatives such as a law passed last year that allows the government to disband any civil society group deemed to disrupt national unity. Many civil society groups support the law, declaring it as necessary to combat radicalism, terrorism, and intolerance. However, is this hard-line stance really the best approach to tackle the issue of rising religious intolerance in Indonesia? Is there a more nuanced way to confront rising religious intolerance?

In January 2016 the Minister for Technology, Research and Higher Education Minister Muhammad Nasir stated that universities must uphold standards of ‘values and morals’ and should not support organisations that promote LGBT activities. What followed was a social and political furore that has since seen a surge of intolerance and attacks on LGBT. While persecution of sexual minorities is not new, homosexuality is not illegal and in large part within Indonesian society have been accorded tolerance, and at times acceptance. What does the strengthening of conservative voices in Indonesia mean for sexual expression more generally and the rights of minority groups in particular? Why do morality issues and debates have such social currency? What part is this debate likely to have in the forthcoming election campaigns? What does the future look like for the rights of sexual and gender minorities in Indonesia?

In early August, Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto registered as the only candidates for Indonesia's April 2019 presidential election, repeating their head-to-head showdown from 2014. Much though, has changed in Indonesia's political landscape over the past five years. Both men have new running mates for one thing. Nor is Jokowi an unknown new entrant to national politics any longer - he will enter 2019 with a five year track record to defend focused on infrastructure and social spending. The massive Islamist mobilisation in 2016 against then Jakarta governor Ahok also continues to reverberate through the political system. Moreover, 2019 will be the first time that the legislative and presidential elections will be held on the same day - 17 April - owing to a Constitutional Court decision ordering that these elections no longer be held several months apart. In this week's Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dave McRae discusses the electoral landscape nine months out from next year's polls with leading political ob

The issue of Chinese investment is a controversial topic in Indonesia. Viewed with suspicion and even animosity, Chinese investments are often associated with the ideological threat of communism, as well as a reminder of negative stereotypes of the ethnic Chinese business elites in the country. As such, Chinese investments are considered to be a political liability, especially during and around election times. Yet Chinese investments in Indonesia is on an upward trend. China became Indonesia's second-biggest source of foreign direct investment in 2017, and it seems only a matter of time before China becomes the biggest foreign investor in Indonesia. In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Charlotte Setijadi chats to Dr Siwage Dharma Negara from ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore about trade and investment relations between Indonesia and China, and how Jokowi's political opponents may use the issue of Chinese investments against him in the 2019 presidential election.

Local elections held in June 2018 brought victories for a number of candidates who in the last few years have made a name for themselves as innovative and reform-oriented. But can this new breed of local executive leaders really change entrenched patterns of doing politics in Indonesia? How do they navigate established patronage channels? And how do they see their place within the broader political environment in Indonesia today? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dirk Tomsa discusses these and other questions with one of these young politicians, Dr Bima Arya, the recently re-elected Mayor of Bogor. In 2018, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Dave McRae from the University of Melbourne’s Asia Institute, Dr Jemma Purdey from Monash University, Dr Charlotte Setijadi from Singapore Management University and Dr Dirk Tomsa from La Trobe University. Photo courtesy of Bima Arya.

In October 2017, the Indonesian legislature passed a new law strengthening protection for the millions of Indonesians working overseas - more than half of whom are women and many in vulnerable sectors. According to the World Bank, migrant workers comprise 7 per cent of Indonesia's work force (only China and the Philippines have larger proportions of migrant workers) and, in 2016, remittances from these workers accounted for 1 percent of Indonesia's gross domestic product. The sector is controlled by a few powerful groups in business and politics and the rights of workers have often been neglected. In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Jemma Purdey talks to Anis Hidayah, co-founder of the nongovernmental organisation Migrant CARE, about the lengthy process leading up to the adoption of Law 18 of 2017 on the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers, the changes it will bring for migrant workers, and what still needs to be done to ensure they get full protection. (Photo: Antara)

On 27 June 2018, Indonesia held elections for mayors and governors in 154 districts and 17 provinces - referred to as pilkada - the third and final such round of regional elections in this five year electoral cycle. This year's round of elections was particularly significant, though, for several reasons. It included gubernatorial elections in five big provinces that between them account for more than half of Indonesia's population: West Java, Central Java, East Java, North Sumatra and South Sulawesi. It was our first chance to observe how the divisive dynamics of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections might affect other future elections. And with the national legislative and presidential elections now less than a year away in April 2019, these local elections have been closely watched for any clues as to how next year's political contests might play out. In this week's Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dave McRae discusses this round of local elections, their results and their broader implications with a panel

Indonesia has seen steady economic growth over the last two decades, but the manufacturing sector has continuously underperformed. The decline of the sector is particularly evident in low employment figures and a lack of productivity. Regionally, most industries remain concentrated in just a few provinces, despite efforts by the Jokowi administration to address this disparity through improvements in infrastructure. What explains the decline in manufacturing in Indonesia? Is the country in the midst of a process of premature deindustrialization, as some observers have claimed? And what can be done to strengthen the manufacturing sector in the future and transform Indonesia into an industrialized economy? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dirk Tomsa discusses these and other questions with Dr Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin, a Senior Lecturer in Development Studies at the University of Western Sydney. In 2018, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Dave McRae from the University of

Twenty years after the beginning of military reforms, Talking Indonesia speaks to Dr Jess Melvin about the state and position of the military in contemporary Indonesian society. Has the military come terms with some of the darkest chapters in its past? Looking at current trends, are we seeing a progressive 'return' of the military in the political sphere?

More than 50 years on from the 1965-66 mass killings and 20 years after the fall of the New Order authoritarian government, how is Indonesia facing up to this violent past? How does this past impact on the present? What is being done to resist enduring impunity in democratic Indonesia? Jemma Purdey explores these issues with Galuh Wandita, Director and co-founder of non-government organisation, Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR), a Jakarta-based NGO working on human rights and accountability in the Asia-Pacific region. Galuh previously worked with the International Center for Transitional Justice, an international NGO based in New York, and was Deputy Director of Timor-Leste’s Truth Commission (CAVR). In 2018, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Dave McRae from the University of Melbourne's Asia Institute, Dr Jemma Purdey from Monash University, Dr Charlotte Setijadi from the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore and Dr Dirk Tomsa from La Trobe University. Image: Anne-Cécile Esteve courtesy A

Two decades after the fall of Suharto, the nature of Indonesian democracy and the trajectory of political reform remain a matter of animated debate in Indonesia and abroad. Undeniably, fundamental change has taken place since the end of Soeharto's authoritarian New Order regime. By the same token, the continued prominence of political and business figures who rose to the prominence during the New Order is just one reminder that the long shadow of the Suharto era has never entirely lifted. What have been the key achievements of the reform movement that toppled Suharto, what are the key obstacles to further reform, and what lies ahead for Indonesia over the next ten years? Dr Dave McRae explores these issues with Usman Hamid, Director of Amnesty International Indonesia and one of Indonesia's most senior human rights activists. Among his many previous roles, Usman has previously also served as coordinator of Kontras, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, and in 2012 co-founded the Indonesi

Indonesia’s blasphemy legislation gained global attention during the trial of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) in 2017. But apart from Ahok, many other Indonesians have also faced blasphemy charges in recent years, even though the constitutionality of the law has been challenged repeatedly. Why is blasphemy such a serious offence in Indonesia? What do recent blasphemy cases have in common and where do they differ? And how do they fit into broader legal developments and political trends in Indonesia? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dirk Tomsa discusses these issues with Dr Melissa Crouch, currently a Kathleen Fitzpatrick Visiting Fellow at the Melbourne Law School, and a Senior Lecturer from the Law Faculty of the University of New South Wales in Sydney. Photo credit: ANTARA FOTO/Mohammad Ayudha/nz/18

The mass demonstrations against former Jakarta Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama in 2016 and 2017, and rising intolerance against religious and sexual minorities have raised concerns about the growing influence of more conservative forms of Islam in Indonesia. The popularity of radical and conservative clerics such as Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) leader Rizieq Shihab and celebrity preacher Felix Siauw have also led to questions about new forms of religious authority in contemporary Indonesian Islam. Amid these trends, mainstream Islamic organisations such as Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah have been criticised for not speaking out enough against rising conservatism and radicalism. Are we seeing a conservative turn in Indonesian Islam? What are some examples of new Islamic organisations, and what challenges do they pose to well established Islamic organisations such as NU and Muhammadiyah? What is the role of television and social media in this new contestation for religious authority? Dr Charlo

Indonesia's environmental challenges are vast and the impacts of forest degradation, in particular, have implications globally as well as locally. For many years within civil society environmental groups and academics have worked at all levels - international, national and local - to raise awareness, enable local communities and lobby government. The search for solutions involves negotiating a complex web of cultural, geographic, economic and structural political forces. How is Indonesia balancing its environmental challenges with its economic interests? What are the roles of government, business and civil society? How has the Joko Widodo government responded? Jemma Purdey explores these issues with Professor Suraya Affif, from the Department of Anthropology at the University of Indonesia. Photo by Suraya Affif.

Indonesia's current criminal code dates to colonial rule, with efforts to complete and enact a new draft of the code consistently foundering. Under the administration of President Jokowi, the drafting process has gained new impetus, however, and a sense is growing that a new criminal code will be enacted this year. At the same time, civil society activists and legal experts have lined up to criticise regressive aspects of the present draft, including a proposed criminalisation of all extramarital sex and new restrictions on freedom of expression. Why have revisions to the criminal code been stalled for so long, and what are the deficits in Indonesia's criminal law that the new draft seeks to address? Who are the main actors in the revision process, and how have the controversial regressive articles emerged? Will a new criminal code finally be enacted, and what will the implications be for Indonesian democracy if the current draft passes into law unamended. Dr Dave McRae explores these issues with Anugerah

Violent Islamist extremism has been a serious security threat in Indonesia for nearly two decades now. But while terrorist networks continue to recruit new members, there are also former militants who have turned their back on violence and terror. What prompts such acts of disengagement? Why do some terrorists quit, while others don’t? And what can governments and peace activists learn from previous patterns of disengagement? In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dirk Tomsa discusses these issues with Associate Professor Julie Chernov Hwang, a specialist in terrorism studies and Islamist politics from Goucher College in Baltimore, and the author of ‘Why Terrorists Quit’. In 2018, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Dave McRae from the University of Melbourne’s Asia Institute, Dr Jemma Purdey from Monash University, Dr Charlotte Setijadi from the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore and Dr Dirk Tomsa from La Trobe University. Image by Adeng Bustomi for Antara.

Young Indonesians are often misunderstood. The older generations perceive them as entitled, unmotivated, apathetic, and narcissistic, a far cry from the image of the pemuda, or the revolutionary youth who fought for the country’s independence. But what do Indonesian young people actually think about the social, political and economic issues around them? Do they care about social inequality and environmental degradation? How do their consumption patterns reflect their values and aspirations? Dr Charlotte Setijadi discusses these issues with Dr Meghan Downes, a Melbourne-based cultural studies scholar with a special focus on the everyday politics of consumption in contemporary Indonesia. Image: Johanes Randy Prakoso on Flickr.

Ethnic Chinese make up an estimated 1-2 percent of Indonesia's population. Of this group, a tiny minority are Muslim. As such, ethnic Chinese Muslims occupy a unique and significant position where the religious majority intersects with this ethnic minority, which has long assumed a role of economic middleman and been used as political scapegoat. In many ways Chinese Muslims in Indonesia disturb both their religious and ethnic identity groups. At its best, their position in society serves to highlight the inclusivity and diversity possible within Indonesian nationalism, and at its worst, to expose the undeniable limitations therein. Who are Indonesia's ethnic Chinese Muslims? What is their history and situation in contemporary Indonesia? Is there a Chinese way of being Muslim? What can their story tell us about religious tolerance and cultural diversity in Indonesia today? Jemma Purdey explores these issues with Dr Hew Wai Weng, a fellow in the Institute of Malaysian and International Studies, National Uni

The prohibition of pornography has been a hotly debated and controversial area of law in Indonesia, attracting the attention both of Islamic conservatives and activists promoting freedom of expression. Several public figures have been investigated and prosecuted under questionable circumstances, raising concerns that the law is being applied arbitrarily. Most recently, The police investigation of Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) leader Rizieq Shihab and his female follower Firza Hussein has put prohibitions of pornography back in the headlines, after police sought to question them over leaked screenshots purporting to show salacious Whatsapp chats between the two. The case has gained attention both because FPI have typically been one of the main groups pushing for pornography prosecutions, and because the investigation has been widely perceived as politically-motivated following Rizieq's role in the anti-Ahok protest movement. How does Indonesia in fact regulate pornography, in what manner and how often have i

Vigilantism made headlines in Indonesia in 2017 owing to a spate of so-called "persecution" incidents, entailing physical intimidation or violence against online critics of prominent religious figures. But these incidents are just one manifestation of the broader phenomenon of vigilantism, which remains widespread in democratic Indonesia. How pervasive is vigilante violence, and what patterns do we see in its distribution, its perpetrators and its targets? What drives this phenomenon, and how does the state respond when citizens turn to vigilantism? In the final Talking Indonesia episode for 2017, Dr Dave McRae explores these issues with Sana Jaffrey , PhD candidate at the University of Chicago’s Department of Political Science and a visiting fellow at the Center for Study of Religion and Democracy (PUSAD Paramadina). Sana previously led the design and implementation of the National Violence Monitoring System (NVMS) database at the World Bank during 2008-2013. In 2017, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-